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Monday, June 18, 2007

Goodbye yellow brick road.


Good old Elton. I think this probably is my last post on this blog, unless something extraordinary and thoroughly worth sharing happens in the next five days as I am heading home on Saturday.

I just wanted to clear a few things up (well one actually). I only spotted the spelling mistake in the title a month or so after I started writing, but by that time pride dictated that it remained as is, as it has and will (apparently you spell Orientiering - 'Orienteering', but hey).

There are few more self-congratulatory ways to communicate with the outside world than the public weblog (blog) which is why I have enjoyed writing it, and seeing that at least a gentle trickle of people have been reading it most gratifying, and kind on their part. People would look at you strangely if you were to write open letters to your family in the newspaper but somehow in the perverse world of the internet this has become commonplace and it has become acceptable to 'self-publish' material that should have been consigned to the waste paper basket years ago. What it has done is made me feel a little closer to home, and people thereabouts who can know what I have been up to whenever they want to.

Fortunately for the world's forests my rambling communique's have not been printed by many (if any), although I intend to leave it standing online as a scrawl in the electric nothingness of the 21st century lest my relationships with memory, and indeed with Arabic, deteriorate even further. For now and to steal the words of Whinnie the Pooh, "Good-bye-and-thank-you-for-a-nice-time."

Thursday, June 14, 2007

The Guns, a poem, by Baldrick.



Baldrick: Boom, boom, boom, boom,
Boom, boom, boom, boom.

BOOM, boom, boom...

Blackadder: Yes Baldrick, we get the idea.


So goes the poetry of the great Baldrick (Blackadder goes forth), describing his experience of the trenches in the second world war. And so is the incessant banging of Lebanese politics, the numbing repetition of a poem-noir that has rocked and crumbled the country since the eighties, the sixties, or even (for the pedants amongst you) the forties. It peaked briefly last night with the murder of Walid Eido and his eldest son along with eight other members of the public on the seafront, around a mile from the site of the bomb that killed Rafik Hariri in March 2005 and sparked the last two years of unrest.

What is most noticeable to a western born and educated person at a time like this is the marked experience gap between the Lebanese and the people of most western countries. Where my childhood was lego and army men, that of Lebanese my age (at least those who stayed through the war) was more cinder blocks and armies. It is not to sensationalise the Lebanese experience to say that more of my generation in Lebanon could pick out the sound of a gunshot or a bomb explosion than their contemporaries in London.

But Beirut, as one journalist said to me recently, is not Mogadishu, whatever you see on the news or read on the foreign office website. It is fundamentally a safe place. There is, however, a risk of bombings as we have seen nine times in the last 24 days. But bombs go off in England, and America, even if it is not with the same frequency as in Lebanon. Westerners are not targeted, there is no violence in the streets, and student populations - often a sparking point for civil unrest in Lebanon - are busy with their finals. The vast majority here do not want violence.

However, the late Syrian poet Nizar Qabbani describes the insensitivity of the Arab people to their plight as follows:

جلودنا ميتة الأحساس

آرواحنا تشكو من
الافلاس

أيامنا …تدور بين الزار , و الشطرنج , و النعاس

هل ( نحن خير أمة قد أخرجت للناس ) ؟

من القصيدة: هوامش على دفتر النكسة



Which can be poorly translated:


Our skin is dead flesh to feeling

Our souls complain of money

Our days... revolve around visits, chess and lethargy

Are we a great nation, when our people have fled?



He describes the futility and the anguish and displacement caused by fighting earlier in the poem:

كلفنا أرتجالنا

خمسين ألف خيمة جديده

The cost of our failure

but another fifty thousand tents.


Someone I interviewed for The Daily Star today said to me, "What is it when a bomb is just another one? When you are not impressed that it killed only ten?" It is what Qabbani means when he uses the word ميتة to describe "dead flesh" its meaning is literally 'a lump of lifeless meat,' or 'meat which has been killed by irreligious practice' (ie not halal and thus not fit for human consumption). It is a powerful and damning indictment on the state of a people.

Qabbani wrote his poem in the '60s. We are but six months from 2008 and still Baldrick's is a coarse but accurate definition of politics in the region and todays climate. Qabbani's is a delicate and thoughtful call to sense from a man who understood his people better than themselves. Bombs bang away in the background of the political and social stage, suffocating and clawing at the progress that surrounds them but always failing to realise their longterm goals.

Gaza is now in civil war, as is Iraq. Lebanon is at a gentle simmer and I found out while I was at home that the Cutty Sark caught fire. Where does childhood go from here?

Monday, May 21, 2007

Raw Sheep and bumps in the night.

Sunday was a day of eating for me. No rest for the wicked and all that it was an early start, and up the mountain for some breakfast with my Aunty Victoria. Typically I turned up starving and left feeling fuller than would be advisable. Having spent a few days before with my bottom doing a sound impression of its forward facing counterpart (after an absent-minded washing incident involving some strawberries and some tap water), it would have been ambitious to expect anything else. So after breakfast, it was time for lunch.

Marwan (my cousin) took me to a friend's house on the other side of Mount Lebanon. It had a stunning view of the Chouf Mountains and, at 1000 metres above sea level, the mountain breeze drifted lazily through panoramic open windows with clementine and olive trees set down the mountain side from their sills of the house to the floor of the valley.

It was a great chance to practice some arabic, to be laughed at for "sounding like the russian ambassador" and to get to know another lovely Lebanese family. Typically there was plenty of food. Indeed, I felt as though I should have brought some friends to help out. Much of the food was sheep. And much of the sheep was raw.

Despite this not being my favourite combination of qualities in Sunday lunch I steeled my sense of adventure and accepted the offer of some Kibbeh Nayeh (Raw lamb/mutton minced with burghal wheat and spices). It's not that I haven't eaten it before, or that I wouldn't order it in a restaurant. It is more that I was feeling fragile and that I was, most kindly, given about a fifth of an enormous tray of the stuff. If it had been beef, it would have constituted a steak.

So I ate. Not exactly wolfed, but put away as politely as possible. Full, tired and mildly hungover I felt pleased with my efforts. Then came the meat and rice. A few modest fork fulls to show willing and more chuffed silence. The came the keftah (cooked lamb-mince kebabs). Finally the ice cream and the fruit and the uncomfortable quiet inducing fullness that comes with eating lunch for three.

But just as my culinary woes were served with buckets of generosity, so they were delivered in pails of insignificance. In Nahar Al-Barid, the Palestinian refugee camp south of Tripoli, the Lebanese army and the radical Palestinian splinter group Fatah Al-Islam were engaged in a vicious street battle. By the time I awoke this morning (for the second time, though that is another paragraph) the body count was over fifty. The fighting was very localised and very specific to Tripoli but the Lebanese Army was seeking out for destruction every unit of Fatah Al-Islam. One army spokesman said, "We are targeting every building they are thought to have been in." By all accounts, they still are.

At the end of a days fighting there were over fifty dead, at least of those were from the Lebanese Army, who are instrumental in holding Lebanon together as it sails these difficult straights of opposition movements and Islamist factions. Perhaps more worryingly the Palestinians in Nahar Al-Barid, who are currently under an army seige and thus without water, electricity, telephones etc are suffering terribly. But then that is the way of the Levant since 1948, the Palestinians are a refugee nation and 59 years after their initial displacement from Israel they live in inaccessible camps, called in Arabic Mukheim (tented places). Palestine's Arab 'brothers' as they are often referred to, are by now as implicitly guilty in the suffering of that tented nation as all the Jews in Jerusalem. And now 35000 Palestinians face a second night of filthy, dangerous and sleepless suffering brought about by the desperate efforts of their misguided, and all too often under-educated (only 14% of Lebanese Palestinians currently finish school) brothers, seeking a solution to the misery of their political non-existence have brought yet more upon themselves and their fellow nationals and distanced themselves yet further from the population of the country they 'live' in.

As the Jews were in Europe for centuries, so the Palestinians are becoming in the Middle East. Distrusted, insular, nationless and downtrodden in an ever tightening cycle of isolation.

I finished reading an essay by Edward Luttwak about the irrelevance of the Middle East to 21st Century politics in Prospect Magazine around 10 o'clock last night. In strident and mostly convincing prose he proposed that Arabists and politicians the world over would have us believe that the Middle East is vital when really it is at best a marginal backwater, whose contribution to the world oil markets is only (perhaps not the word!) 40% and set to diminish as America has reduced its dependence on Middle Eastern oil imports by ten percent and intends a further cut of 25% by 2025. He continued to make the point that military threats from this part of the world have never been backed up with anything other than statistics and that even lists of aircraft and warships do not go far toward a real picture of the threat posed. (For example he argued that F4's, F5's and F14 fighter jets owned by Iran have barely left the tarmac in the last ten years). He says that there is a great pedalling of armageddonism amongst Arabists, he sights King Hussein and now Abdullah of Jordan, especially in relation to Palestine. "Humanitarians should note that the dead from Jewish-Palestinian fighting since 1921 amount to fewer than 100,000—about as many as are killed in a season of conflict in Darfur." he says.

Most interestingly to me he asserts, "What actually happens at each of these "moments of truth"—and we may be approaching another one—is nothing much; only the same old cyclical conflict which always restarts when peace is about to break out, and always dampens down when the violence becomes intense enough."

Two hours after I read this article, in the depths of a much desired sleep, I was awoken by a loud bang. I cannot lay claim to the feelings that filled me in the instant of the sound, because it was the sound that rocked me awake, but immediately afterwards was the gasp of silence. As though the city around me had been hit in the stomach and a good winding had emptied its lungs and widened its pupils. Then the sirens. A huge cloud of smoke drifted past the window of my flat, and where there had once been the sounds of sleep there was the ringing of phones, the chatter of uncertainty and the wail of emergency response. Where two hours before I had been reading Luttwak's take on Middle Eastern irrelevance, four hours earlier I had strolled from my usual internet cafe in ABC shopping mall back to my house, past the car park that had contained the blast of this yet unaccounted for bomb.

It is difficult to know what was more shocking. The knowledge (and it was immediate despite it being the first I had ever heard) that I had heard a bomb go off. Or the discovery that a poor old lady, on her way home, had been the only fatality. I made the requisite phone calls to reassure people that I was okay. I contemplated togging up to go and have a look but all I could see on LBC were journalists scrapping for interviews and photos, and then a friend of mine (Paul Cochrane), a freelancer working out here, sent me a text message. "Went to the site, car bomb done some damage but coudn't see extent. Saw lot's of soldiers and journalists." Time for bed.


This morning I was due in Dahieh (ominously known as "the suburbs", a Hezbollah stronghold and a major target for Israeli during the war last summer) to a workshop of NGO's discussing redevelopment works in Dahieh and its surrounds. The event, which was due to be quite big, was mostly empty as the NGO's were concentrated in the troubled North. Instead I listened to local civil development planners listening to the sounds of their own voices (a little dismissive but despite us having to stand for the national anthem at the beginning there was no pause or mention of respect for the dead, on either side). Back at the office the whole paper was being dedicated to the bombing and the ongoing violence in Tripoli. At 4 o'clock, it seemed a ceasefire was called until 6. But by 4:30 violence had recommenced and the chance to gather the wounded of both sides was lost, or was it. Confused messages were coming through on the phones and the wires. One reporter, who had written an excellent piece for the front page the day before, (Rym Ghazal) was on the phone to a young man from Fatah Al-Islam who told her he expected not to survive the night.

All this happening in a a few square kilometres in the north of the country, and being beamed around the world. A tiny snippet of the lives of thousands from a country of nearly 4 million people. Edward Luttwak continues: "Arab-Israeli catastrophism is wrong twice over, first because the conflict is contained within rather narrow boundaries, and second because the Levant is just not that important any more." He is right. The fighting in the north may be of national concern to Lebanon, but it is only of vital concern to the inhabitants of the localised fighting district. Until it spills out across its narrow margins, it is unlikely to be more than a marginal, if shocking, step on a road to Lebanese stability. The questions it raises are at the heart of the innate unfairness of Lebanese society. It is this core of inequality that needs paring from the daily life of so many Lebanese. It is also the purpose behind the Hizbollah-Aounist sit-in outside Parliament. Violence is not a highway to peace, but then, nor is oppression. After fifty-nine years, it still has explosive and meaningless, results.